The Essays Chapter 23

(1, p. 37v-43v).Michel de MontaigneC123 De la coustume & de ne changer aisément vne loy receueMontaigne - Essais, Éd de Bordeaux, 1.djvuMontaigne - Essais, Éd de Bordeaux, 1.djvu/137v-43v

De la coustume & de ne changer aisément une loy receüe.
Chap. XIII.

CElvy me semble avoir tres-bien conceu la force de la coustume, qui premier
forgea ce conte, qu’une femme de village, ayant apris de caresser et
porter entre ses bras un veau des l’heure de sa naissance, et
continuant tousjours à ce faire, gaigna cela par l’accoustumance, que
tout
grand beuf qu’il estoit, elle le portoit encore. Car c’est à la
verité une violente et traistresse maistresse d’escole, que la
coustume.
Elle establit en nous, peu à peu, à la desrobée, le pied de son
authorité : mais par ce doux et humble commencement, l’ayant rassis
et
planté avec l’ayde du temps, elle nous descouvre tantost un furieux
et
tyrannique visage, contre lequel nous n’avons plus la liberté de
hausser seulement les yeux. Nous luy voyons forcer, tous les coups,
les reigles de nature.

J’en croy
les medecins, qui quitent si souvent à son authorité les raisons de
leur art ; et ce Roy qui, par son moyen, rengea son estomac à se nourrir de poison ; et la fille qu’Albert recite s’estre accoustumée
à vivre d’araignées.

Je viens de voir chez moy un petit homme natif de Nantes, né sans
bras,
qui a si bien façonné ses pieds au service que luy devoyent les
mains,
qu’ils en ont à la verité à demy oublié leur office naturel. Au
demourant il les nomme ses mains, il trenche, il charge un pistolet
et
le lache, il enfille son eguille, il coud, il escrit, il tire le
bonnet, il se peigne, il joue aux cartes et aux dez, et les remue
avec
autant de dexterité que sçauroit faire quelqu’autre ; l’argent que je
luy
ay donné (car il gaigne sa vie à se faire voir), il l’a emporté en
son pied, comme nous faisons en nostre main. J’en vy un autre,
estant
enfant, qui manioit un’ espée à deux mains et un’ hallebarde, du
pli
du col, à faute de mains, les jettoit en l’air et les reprenoit,
lançoit une dague, et faisoit craqueter un foet aussi bien que
charretier de France. Mais on decouvre bien mieux ses effets aux
estranges impressions, qu’elle fait en nos ames, où elle ne trouve pas
tant de resistance. Que ne peut elle en nos jugemens et en nos
creances ? Y a il opinion si bizarre (je laisse à part la grossiere
imposture des religions, dequoy tant de grandes nations et tant de
suffisans personnages se sont veux enyvrez : car cette partie estant
hors de nos raisons humaines, il est plus excusable de s’y perdre, à
qui n’y est extraordinairement esclairé par faveur divine) mais
d’autres opinions y en a il de si estranges, qu’elle n’aye planté et
estably par loix és regions que bon luy a semblé ?

Icy on vit de chair humaine ; là c’est office de pieté de tuer son
pere en certain aage ; ailleurs les peres ordonnent, des enfans encore
au ventre des meres, ceux qu’ils veulent estre nourris et conservez, et
ceux qu’ils veulent estre abandonnez et tuez ; ailleurs les vieux maris
prestent leurs femmes à la jeunesse pour s’en servir ; et ailleurs
elles sont communes sans peché : voire en tel pays portent pour merque
d’honneur autant de belles houpes frangées au bord de leurs robes,
qu’elles ont accointé de masles. N’a pas faict la coustume encore
une
chose publique de femmes à part ? leur a elle pas mis les armes à la
main ? faict dresser des armées, et livrer des batailles ? Et ce que
toute la philosophie ne peut planter en la teste des plus sages, ne
l’apprend elle pas de sa seule ordonnance
au plus grossier vulgaire ? car nous sçavons des nations entieres, où
non seulement la mort estoit mesprisée, mais festoyée ; où les enfans
de sept ans souffroyent à estre foettez jusques à la mort, sans
changer de visage ; où la richesse estoit en tel mespris, que le plus
chetif citoyen de la ville n’eust daigné baisser le bras pour amasser
une bource d’escus. Et sçavons des regions tres-fertiles en toutes
façons de vivres, où toutesfois les plus ordinaires méz et les plus
savoureux, c’estoyent du pain, du nasitort et de l’eau.

En somme, à ma fantasie, il n’est rien qu’elle ne face, ou qu’elle ne
puisse : et avec raison l’appelle Pindarus, à ce qu’on m’a dict, la
Royne et Emperiere du monde.

Mais le principal effect de sa puissance, c’est de nous saisir et
empieter de telle sorte, qu’à peine soit-il en nous de nous r’avoir
de
sa prinse et de r’entrer en nous, pour discourir et raisonner de ses
ordonnances. De vray, parce que nous les humons avec le laict de
nostre naissance, et que le visage du monde se presente en cet estat à
nostre premiere veue, il semble que nous soyons nais à la condition
de suyvre ce train. Et les communes imaginations, que nous trouvons
en
credit autour de
nous, et infuses en nostre ame par la semence de nos peres, il semble
que ce soyent les generalles et naturelles.

Darius demandoit à quelques Grecs pour combien ils voudroient
prendre la coustume des Indes, de manger leurs peres trespassez (car
c’estoit leur forme, estimans ne leur pouvoir donner plus favorable
sepulture, que dans eux-mesmes), ils luy respondirent que pour chose
du
monde ils ne le feroient ; mais, s’estant aussi essayé de persuader
aux
Indiens de laisser leur façon et prendre celle de Grece, qui estoit
de brusler les corps de leurs peres, il leur fit encore plus d’horreur.
Chacun en fait ainsi, d’autant que l’usage nous desrobbe le vray
visage
des choses,

Nil adeo magnum, nec tam mirabile quicquam
Principio, quod non minuant mirarier omnes
Paulatim.

Autrefois, ayant à faire
valoir quelqu’une de nos observations, et receue avec resolue
authorité bien loing autour de nous, et ne voulant point, comme il se
faict, l’establir seulement par la force des loix et des exemples,
mais
questant tousjours jusques à son origine, j’y trouvai le
fondement si foible, qu’à peine que je ne m’en dégoutasse, moy qui
avois à la confirmer en autruy.

Qui voudra se desfaire de ce violent prejudice de la coustume, il
trouvera plusieurs choses receues d’une resolution indubitable, qui
n’ont appuy qu’en la barbe chenue et rides de l’usage qui les
accompaigne ;
mais, ce masque arraché, rapportant les choses à la verité et à la
raison, il sentira son jugement comme tout bouleversé, et remis
pourtant en bien plus seur estat. Pour exemple, je luy demanderay
lors,
quelle chose peut estre plus estrange, que de voir un peuple obligé à
suivre des loix qu’il n’entendit onques, attaché en tous ses affaires
domestiques, mariages, donations, testamens, ventes et achapts, à des
regles
qu’il ne peut sçavoir, n’estant escrites ny publiées en sa
langue,
et desquelles par necessité il luy faille acheter l’interpretation et
l’usage ?

raison mesme, et donner aux loix cours de marchandise. Je sçay bon
gré à la fortune, dequoy, comme disent nos historiens, ce fut un
gentil’homme Gascon et de mon pays, qui le premier s’opposa à
Charlemaigne, nous voulant donner les loix Latines et Imperiales.
Qu’est-il plus farouche que de voir une nation, où par legitime
coustume la charge de juger se
vende, et les jugements soyent payez à purs deniers contans, et où
legitimement la justice soit refusée à qui n’a dequoy la payer, et
aye cette marchandise si grand credit, qu’il se face en une police un
quatriesme estat, de gens maniants les procés, pour le joindre aux
trois anciens, de l’Église, de la Noblesse et du Peuple ; lequel
estat, ayant la charge des loix et souveraine authorité des biens et
des vies, face un corps à part de celuy de la noblesse : d’où il
avienne qu’il y ayt doubles loix, celles de l’honneur, et celles de la
justice, en plusieurs choses fort contraires (aussi rigoureusement
condamnent celles-là un démanti souffert, comme celles icy un
démanti revanché) ; par le devoir des armes, celuy-là soit degradé
d’honneur et de noblesse qui souffre un’ injure, et, par le devoir
civil,
celuy qui s’en venge, encoure une peine capitale (qui s’adresse aux
loix,
pour avoir raison d’une offence faite à son honneur, il se deshonnore ;
et qui ne s’y adresse, il en est puny et chastié par les loix) ; et,
de
ces deux pieces si diverses se raportant toutesfois à un seul chef,
ceux-là ayent la paix, ceux-cy la guerre en charge ; ceux-là ayent le
gaing, ceux-cy l’honneur ; ceux-là le sçavoir, ceux-cy la vertu ;
ceux-là la parole, ceux-cy l’action ; ceux-là la justice, ceux-cy la
vaillance ;
ceux-là la raison, ceux-cy la force ; ceux-là la robbe longue, ceux-cy
la courte en partage ? Quant aux choses indifferentes, comme vestemens,
qui les voudra ramener à leur vraye fin, qui est le service et
commodité du corps,
d’où dépend leur grace et bien seance originelle, pour les plus monstrueux à mon gré qui se puissent imaginer, je luy donray entre
autres nos bonnets carrez, cette longue queue de veloux plissé qui
pend aux testes de nos femmes avec son attirail bigarré, et ce vain
modelle et inutile d’un membre que nous ne pouvons seulement
honnestement nommer, duquel toutesfois nous faisons montre et parade
en
public. Ces considerations ne destournent pourtant pas un homme
d’entendement de suivre le stille commun ; ains, au rebours, il me
semble
que toutes façons escartées et particulieres partent plustost de
folie
ou d’affectation ambitieuse, que de vraye raison ; et que le sage doit
au dedans retirer son ame de la presse, et la tenir en liberté et
puissance de juger librement des choses ; mais, quant au dehors, qu’il
doit suivre entierement les façons et formes receues. La societé
publique n’a que faire de nos pensées ; mais le demeurant, comme nos
actions, nostre travail, nos fortunes et nostre vie propre, il la faut
préter et abandonner à son service et aux opinions communes, comme
ce
bon et grand Socrates refusa de sauver sa vie par la desobeissance du
magistrat, voire d’un magistrat tres-injuste et tres-inique. Car c’est
la regle des regles, et generale loy des loix, que chacun observe
celles du lieu où il est :

νόμοις ἒπεσθαί τοίσιν εγχώροις κάλον

En voicy d’un’ autre cuvée. Il y a grand doute, s’il se peut trouver
si evident profit au changement d’une loy receue, telle qu’elle soit,
qu’il y a de mal à la remuer : d’autant qu’une police, c’est comme
un bastiment de diverses pieces jointes ensemble, d’une telle liaison,
qu’il est impossible d’en esbranler une, que tout le corps ne s’en
sente. Le législateur des Thuriens ordonna que quiconque voudroit,
ou abolir une des vieilles loix, ou en establir une nouvelle, se
presenteroit au peuple la corde au col : afin que si la nouvelleté
n’estoit approuvée d’un chacun, il fut incontinent estranglé. Et celuy de
Lacedemone employa sa vie pour tirer de ses citoyens une
promesse asseurée, de n’enfraindre aucune de ses ordonnances.
L’ephore qui coupa si rudement les deux cordes que Phrinys avoit
adjousté à la musique ne s’esmaie pas si elle en vaut mieux, ou si
les accords en sont mieux remplis : il luy suffit pour les condamner,
que ce soit une alteration de la vieille façon. C’est ce que
signifioit cette espée rouillée de la justice de Marseille.

Heu patior telis

vulnera

facta meis.

Ceux qui donnent le branle à un estat, sont volontiers
les premiers absorbez en sa ruyne.

Si est-ce que la fortune, reservant tousjours son authorité
au-dessus
de nos discours, nous presente aucunefois la necessité si urgente,
qu’il est besoing que les loix luy facent quelque place.

On sçait qu’il est encore reproché à ces deux grands personnages,
Octavius et Caton, aux guerres civiles l’un de Sylla, l’autre de
Cesar, d’avoir plustost laissé encourir toutes extremitez à leur
patrie, que de la secourir aux despens de ses loix, et que de rien
remuer. Car, à la verité, en ces dernieres necessitez où il n’y a
plus que tenir, il seroit à l’avanture plus sagement fait de baisser
la teste et prester un peu au coup que, s’ahurtant outre la
possibilité à ne rien relascher, donner occasion à la violance de
fouler tout aux pieds ; et vaudroit mieux faire vouloir aux loix ce
qu’elles peuvent, puis qu’elles ne peuvent ce qu’elles veulent. Ainsi
feit celuy qui ordonna qu’elles dormissent vint et quatre heures, et
celuy qui remua pour cette fois un jour du calendrier, et cet autre
qui
du mois de Juin fit le second May. Les Lacedemoniens mesmes, tant
religieux observateurs des ordonnances de leur païs, estans pressez de leur loy qui defendoit d’eslire par deux fois Admiral un mesme
personnage, et de l’autre part leurs affaires requerans de toute
necessité que Lysander print de rechef cette charge, ils firent bien
un Aracus Admiral, mais Lysander surintendant de la marine. Et de
mesme subtilité, un de leurs ambassadeurs, estant envoyé vers les
Atheniens, pour obtenir le changement de quelque ordonnance, et
Pericles luy alleguant qu’il estoit defendu d’oster le tableau où
une
loy estoit une fois posée, luy conseilla de le tourner seulement,
d’autant que cela n’estoit pas defendu. C’est ce dequoy Plutarque
loue
Philopaemen, qu’estant né pour commander, il sçavoit non seulement
commander selon les loix, mais aux loix mesme, quand la necessité
publique le requeroit.

Chapter XXIII. Various events from the same counsel.

Jacques Amiot, grand almoner of France, one day related to me this story,

much to the honour of a prince of ours (and ours he was upon several very

good accounts, though originally of foreign extraction),-- --that in the time of our first commotions,

at the siege of Rouen,-- --this prince, having been advertised

by the queen-mother of a conspiracy against his life, and in her letters

particular notice being given him of the person who was to execute the

business (who was a gentleman of Anjou or of Maine, and who to this

effect ordinarily frequented this prince's house), discovered not a

syllable of this intelligence to any one whatever; but going the next day

to the St. Catherine's Mount,-- --from which our battery played against the town (for it

was during the time of the siege), and having in company with him the

said lord almoner, and another bishop, he saw this gentleman, who had

been denoted to him, and presently sent for him; to whom, being come

before him, seeing him already pale and trembling with the conscience of

his guilt, he thus said, "Monsieur," such an one, "you guess what I have

to say to you; your countenance discovers it; 'tis in vain to disguise

your practice, for I am so well informed of your business, that it will

but make worse for you, to go about to conceal or deny it: you know very

well such and such passages" (which were the most secret circumstances of

his conspiracy), "and therefore be sure, as you tender your own life,

to confess to me the whole truth of the design." The poor man seeing

himself thus trapped and convicted (for the whole business had been

discovered to the queen by one of the accomplices), was in such a taking,

he knew not what to do; but, folding his hands, to beg and sue for mercy,

he threw himself at his prince's feet, who taking him up, proceeded to

say, "Come, sir; tell me, have I at any time done you offence? or have

I, through private hatred or malice, offended any kinsman or friend of

yours? It is not above three weeks that I have known you; what

inducement, then, could move you to attempt my death?" To which the

gentleman with a trembling voice replied, "That it was no particular

grudge he had to his person, but the general interest and concern of his

party, and that he had been put upon it by some who had persuaded him it

would be a meritorious act, by any means, to extirpate so great and so

powerful an enemy of their religion." "Well," said the prince, "I will

now let you see, how much more charitable the religion is that I

maintain, than that which you profess: yours has counselled you to kill

me, without hearing me speak, and without ever having given you any cause

of offence; and mine commands me to forgive you, convict as you are, by

your own confession, of a design to kill me without reason.-- --Get you gone; let me see you

no more; and, if you are wise, choose henceforward honester men for your

counsellors in your designs."--

The Emperor Augustus,-- --being in Gaul, had certain information of a conspiracy L. Cinna

was contriving against him; he therefore resolved to make him an example;

and, to that end, sent to summon his friends to meet the next morning in

counsel. But the night between he passed in great unquietness of mind,

considering that he was about to put to death a young man, of an

illustrious family, and nephew to the great Pompey, and this made him

break out into several passionate complainings. "What then," said he,

"is it possible that I am to live in perpetual anxiety and alarm, and

suffer my would-be assassin, meantime, to walk abroad at liberty? Shall

he go unpunished, after having conspired against my life, a life that I

have hitherto defended in so many civil wars, in so many battles by land

and by sea? And after having settled the universal peace of the whole

world, shall this man be pardoned, who has conspired not only to murder,

but to sacrifice me?"--for the conspiracy was to kill him at sacrifice.

After which, remaining for some time silent, he began again, in louder

tones, and exclaimed against himself, saying: "Why livest thou, if it be

for the good of so many that thou shouldst die? must there be no end of

thy revenges and cruelties? Is thy life of so great value, that so many

mischiefs must be done to preserve it?" His wife Livia, seeing him in

this perplexity: "Will you take a woman's counsel?" said she. "Do as

the physicians do, who, when the ordinary recipes will do no good, make

trial of the contrary. By severity you have hitherto prevailed nothing;

Lepidus has followed Salvidienus; Murena, Lepidus; Caepio, Murena;

Egnatius, Caepio. Begin now, and try how sweetness and clemency will

succeed. Cinna is convict; forgive him, he will never henceforth have

the heart to hurt thee, and it will be an act to thy glory." Augustus

was well pleased that he had met with an advocate of his own humour;

wherefore, having thanked his wife, and, in the morning, countermanded

his friends he had before summoned to council, he commanded Cinna all

alone to be brought to him; who being accordingly come, and a chair by

his appointment set him, having ordered all the rest out of the room, he

spake to him after this manner: "In the first place, Cinna, I demand of

thee patient audience; do not interrupt me in what I am about to say, and

I will afterwards give thee time and leisure to answer. Thou knowest,

Cinna,-- --that having taken thee prisoner in the enemy's

camp, and thou an enemy, not only so become, but born so, I gave thee thy

life, restored to thee all thy goods, and, finally, put thee in so good a

posture, by my bounty, of living well and at thy ease, that the

victorious envied the conquered. The sacerdotal office which thou madest

suit to me for, I conferred upon thee, after having denied it to others,

whose fathers have ever borne arms in my service. After so many

obligations, thou hast undertaken to kill me." At which Cinna crying out

that he was very far from entertaining any so wicked a thought: "Thou

dost not keep thy promise, Cinna," continued Augustus, "that thou wouldst

not interrupt me. Yes, thou hast undertaken to murder me in such a

place, on such a day, in such and such company, and in such a manner."

At which words, seeing Cinna astounded and silent, not upon the account

of his promise so to be, but interdict with the weight of his conscience:

"Why," proceeded Augustus, "to what end wouldst thou do it? Is it to be

emperor? Believe me, the Republic is in very ill condition, if I am the

only man betwixt thee and the empire. Thou art not able so much as to

defend thy own house, and but t'other day was baffled in a suit, by the

opposed interest of a mere manumitted slave. What, hast thou neither

means nor power in any other thing, but only to undertake Caesar? I quit

the throne, if there be no other than I to obstruct thy hopes. Canst

thou believe that Paulus, that Fabius, that the Cossii and the Servilii,

and so many noble Romans, not only so in title, but who by their virtue

honour their nobility, would suffer or endure thee?" After this, and a

great deal more that he said to him (for he was two long hours in

speaking), "Now go, Cinna, go thy way: I give thee that life as traitor

and parricide, which I before gave thee in the quality of an enemy. Let

friendship from this time forward begin betwixt us, and let us show

whether I have given, or thou hast received thy life with the better

faith"; and so departed from him. Some time after, he preferred him to

the consular dignity, complaining that he had not the confidence to

demand it; had him ever after for his very great friend, and was, at

last, made by him sole heir to all his estate. Now, from the time of

this accident which befell Augustus in the fortieth year of his age, he

never had any conspiracy or attempt against him, and so reaped the due

reward of this his so generous clemency. But it did not so happen with

our prince, his moderation and mercy not so securing him, but that he

afterwards fell into the toils of the like treason,-- --so vain and futile a thing is

human prudence; throughout all our projects, counsels and precautions,

Fortune will still be mistress of events.

We repute physicians fortunate when they hit upon a lucky cure, as if

there was no other art but theirs that could not stand upon its own legs,

and whose foundations are too weak to support itself upon its own basis;

as if no other art stood in need of Fortune's hand to help it. For my

part, I think of physic as much good or ill as any one would have me:

for, thanks be to God, we have no traffic together. I am of a quite

contrary humour to other men, for I always despise it; but when I am

sick, instead of recanting, or entering into composition with it, I

begin, moreover, to hate and fear it, telling them who importune me to

take physic, that at all events they must give me time to recover my

strength and health, that I may be the better able to support and

encounter the violence and danger of their potions. I let nature work,

supposing her to be sufficiently armed with teeth and claws to defend

herself from the assaults of infirmity, and to uphold that contexture,

the dissolution of which she flies and abhors. I am afraid, lest,

instead of assisting her when close grappled and struggling with disease,

I should assist her adversary, and burden her still more with work to do.

Now, I say, that not in physic only, but in other more certain arts,

fortune has a very great part.

The poetic raptures, the flights of fancy, that ravish and transport the

author out of himself, why should we not attribute them to his good

fortune, since he himself confesses that they exceed his sufficiency and

force, and acknowledges them to proceed from something else than himself,

and that he has them no more in his power than the orators say they have

those extraordinary motions and agitations that sometimes push them

beyond their design. It is the same in painting, where touches shall

sometimes slip from the hand of the painter, so surpassing both his

conception and his art, as to beget his own admiration and astonishment.

But Fortune does yet more evidently manifest the share she has in all

things of this kind, by the graces and elegances we find in them, not

only beyond the intention, but even without the knowledge of the workman:

a competent reader often discovers in other men's writings other

perfections than the author himself either intended or perceived, a

richer sense and more quaint expression.

As to military enterprises, every one sees how great a hand Fortune has

in them. Even in our counsels and deliberations there must, certainly,

be something of chance and good-luck mixed with human prudence; for all

that our wisdom can do alone is no great matter; the more piercing,

quick, and apprehensive it is, the weaker it finds itself, and is by so

much more apt to mistrust itself. I am of Sylla's opinion;-- --and when I closely examine the most

glorious exploits of war, I perceive, methinks, that those who carry them

on make use of counsel and debate only for custom's sake, and leave the

best part of the enterprise to Fortune, and relying upon her aid,

transgress, at every turn, the bounds of military conduct and the rules

of war. There happen, sometimes, fortuitous alacrities and strange

furies in their deliberations, that for the most part prompt them to

follow the worst grounded counsels, and swell their courage beyond the

limits of reason. Whence it happened that several of the great captains

of old, to justify those rash resolutions, have been fain to tell their

soldiers that they were invited to such attempts by some inspiration,

some sign and prognostic.

Wherefore, in this doubt and uncertainty, that the shortsightedness of

human wisdom to see and choose the best (by reason of the difficulties

that the various accidents and circumstances of things bring along with

them) perplexes us withal, the surest way, in my opinion, did no other

consideration invite us to it, is to pitch upon that wherein is the

greatest appearance of honesty and justice; and not, being certain of the

shortest, to keep the straightest and most direct way; as in the two

examples I have just given, there is no question but it was more noble

and generous in him who had received the offence, to pardon it, than to

do otherwise. If the former-- --miscarried in it, he

is not, nevertheless, to be blamed for his good intention; neither does

any one know if he had proceeded otherwise, whether by that means he had

avoided the end his destiny had appointed for him; and he had, moreover,

lost the glory of so humane an act.

You will read in history, of many who have been in such apprehension,

that the most part have taken the course to meet and anticipate

conspiracies against them by punishment and revenge; but I find very few

who have reaped any advantage by this proceeding; witness so many Roman

emperors. Whoever finds himself in this danger, ought not to expect much

either from his vigilance or power; for how hard a thing is it for a man

to secure himself from an enemy, who lies concealed under the countenance

of the most assiduous friend we have, and to discover and know the wills

and inward thoughts of those who are in our personal service. 'Tis to

much purpose to have a guard of foreigners about one, and to be always

fenced about with a pale of armed men; whosoever despises his own life,

is always master of that of another man.-- --And

moreover, this continual suspicion, that makes a prince jealous of all

the world, must of necessity be a strange torment to him. Therefore it

was, that Dion, being advertised that Callippus watched all opportunities

to take away his life, had never the heart to inquire more particularly

into it, saying, that he had rather die than live in that misery, that he

must continually stand upon his guard, not only against his enemies, but

his friends also;-- --which Alexander much more

vividly and more roundly manifested in effect, when, having notice by a

letter from Parmenio, that Philip, his most beloved physician, was by

Darius' money corrupted to poison him, at the same time he gave the

letter to Philip to read, drank off the potion he had brought him. Was

not this to express a resolution, that if his friends had a mind to

despatch him out of the world, he was willing to give them opportunity to

do it? This prince is, indeed, the sovereign pattern of hazardous

actions; but I do not know whether there be another passage in his life

wherein there is so much firm courage as in this, nor so illustrious an

image of the beauty and greatness of his mind.

Those who preach to princes so circumspect and vigilant a jealousy and

distrust, under colour of security, preach to them ruin and dishonour:

nothing noble can be performed without danger. I know a person,

naturally of a very great daring and enterprising courage, whose good

fortune is continually marred by such persuasions, that he keep himself

close surrounded by his friends, that he must not hearken to any

reconciliation with his ancient enemies, that he must stand aloof, and

not trust his person in hands stronger than his own, what promises or

offers soever they may make him, or what advantages soever he may see

before him. And I know another, who has unexpectedly advanced his

fortunes by following a clear contrary advice.

Courage, the reputation and glory of which men seek with so greedy an

appetite, presents itself, when need requires, as magnificently in

cuerpo, as in full armour; in a closet, as in a camp; with arms pendant,

as with arms raised.

This over-circumspect and wary prudence is a mortal enemy to all high and

generous exploits. Scipio, to sound Syphax's intention, leaving his

army, abandoning Spain, not yet secure nor well settled in his new

conquest, could pass over into Africa in two small ships, to commit

himself, in an enemy's country, to the power of a barbarian king, to a

faith untried and unknown, without obligation, without hostage, under the

sole security of the grandeur of his own courage, his good fortune, and

the promise of his high hopes.--

"Habita fides ipsam plerumque fidem obligat."

In a life of ambition and glory, it is necessary to hold a stiff rein

upon suspicion: fear and distrust invite and draw on offence. The most

mistrustful of our kings-- --established his affairs

principally by voluntarily committing his life and liberty into his

enemies' hands, by that action manifesting that he had absolute

confidence in them, to the end they might repose as great an assurance in

him. Caesar only opposed the authority of his countenance and the

haughty sharpness of his rebukes to his mutinous legions in arms against

him:

"Stetit aggere fulti

Cespitis, intrepidus vultu: meruitque timeri,

Nil metuens."

But it is true, withal, that this undaunted assurance is not to be

represented in its simple and entire form, but by such whom the

apprehension of death, and the worst that can happen, does not terrify

and affright; for to represent a pretended resolution with a pale and

doubtful countenance and trembling limbs, for the service of an important

reconciliation, will effect nothing to purpose. 'Tis an excellent way to

gain the heart and will of another, to submit and intrust one's self to

him, provided it appear to be freely done, and without the constraint of

necessity, and in such a condition, that a man manifestly does it out of

a pure and entire confidence in the party, at least, with a countenance

clear from any cloud of suspicion. I saw, when I was a boy, a gentleman,

who was governor of a great city, upon occasion of a popular commotion

and fury, not knowing what other course to take, go out of a place of

very great strength and security, and commit himself to the mercy of the

seditious rabble, in hopes by that means to appease the tumult before it

grew to a more formidable head; but it was ill for him that he did so,

for he was there miserably slain. But I am not, nevertheless, of

opinion, that he committed so great an error in going out, as men

commonly reproach his memory withal, as he did in choosing a gentle and

submissive way for the effecting his purpose, and in endeavouring to

quiet this storm, rather by obeying than commanding, and by entreaty

rather than remonstrance; and I am inclined to believe, that a gracious

severity, with a soldierlike way of commanding, full of security and

confidence, suitable to the quality of his person, and the dignity of his

command, would have succeeded better with him; at least, he had perished

with greater decency and, reputation. There is nothing so little to be

expected or hoped for from this many-headed monster, in its fury, as

humanity and good nature; it is much more capable of reverence and fear.

I should also reproach him, that having taken a resolution (in my

judgment rather brave than rash) to expose himself, weak and naked, in

this tempestuous sea of enraged madmen, he ought to have stuck to his

text, and not for an instant to have abandoned the high part he had

undertaken; whereas, coming to discover his danger nearer hand, and his

nose happening to bleed, he again changed that demiss and fawning

countenance he had at first put on, into another of fear and amazement,

filling his voice with entreaties and his eyes with tears, and,

endeavouring so to withdraw and secure his person, that carriage more

inflamed their fury, and soon brought the effects of it upon him.

It was upon a time intended that there should be a general muster of

several troops in arms (and that is the most proper occasion of secret

revenges, and there is no place where they can be executed with greater

safety), and there were public and manifest appearances, that there was

no safe coming for some, whose principal and necessary office it was to

review them. Whereupon a consultation was held, and several counsels

were proposed, as in a case that was very nice and of great difficulty;

and moreover of grave consequence. Mine, amongst the rest, was, that

they should by all means avoid giving any sign of suspicion, but that the

officers who were most in danger should boldly go, and with cheerful and

erect countenances ride boldly and confidently through the ranks, and

that instead of sparing fire (which the counsels of the major part tended

to) they should entreat the captains to command the soldiers to give

round and full volleys in honour of the spectators, and not to spare

their powder. This was accordingly done, and served so good use, as to

please and gratify the suspected troops, and thenceforward to beget a

mutual and wholesome confidence and intelligence amongst them.

I look upon Julius Caesar's way of winning men to him as the best and

finest that can be put in practice. First, he tried by clemency to make

himself beloved even by his very enemies, contenting himself, in detected

conspiracies, only publicly to declare, that he was pre-acquainted with

them; which being done, he took a noble resolution to await without

solicitude or fear, whatever might be the event, wholly resigning himself

to the protection of the gods and fortune: for, questionless, in this

state he was at the time when he was killed.

A stranger having publicly said, that he could teach Dionysius, the

tyrant of Syracuse, an infallible way to find out and discover all the

conspiracies his subjects could contrive against him, if he would give

him a good sum of money for his pains, Dionysius hearing of it, caused

the man to be brought to him, that he might learn an art so necessary to

his preservation. The man made answer, that all the art he knew, was,

that he should give him a talent, and afterwards boast that he had

obtained a singular secret from him. Dionysius liked the invention, and

accordingly caused six hundred crowns to be counted out to him.

-- --It was not likely he should give so great a

sum to a person unknown, but upon the account of some extraordinary

discovery, and the belief of this served to keep his enemies in awe.

Princes, however, do wisely to publish the informations they receive of

all the practices against their lives, to possess men with an opinion

they have so good intelligence that nothing can be plotted against them,

but they have present notice of it. The Duke of Athens did a great many

foolish things in the establishment of his new tyranny over Florence:

but this especially was most notable, that having received the first

intimation of the conspiracies the people were hatching against him, from

Matteo di Morozzo, one of the conspirators, he presently put him to

death, to suppress that rumour, that it might not be thought any of the

city disliked his government.

I remember I have formerly read a story-- --of some Roman of great quality who, flying the tyranny of the

Triumvirate, had a thousand times by the subtlety of as many inventions

escaped from falling into the hands of those that pursued him. It

happened one day that a troop of horse, which was sent out to take him,

passed close by a brake where he was squat, and missed very narrowly of

spying him: but he considering, at this point, the pains and difficulties

wherein he had so long continued to evade the strict and incessant

searches that were every day made for him, the little pleasure he could

hope for in such a kind of life, and how much better it was for him to

die once for all, than to be perpetually at this pass, he started from

his seat, called them back, showed them his form,-- --and voluntarily delivered himself up to their cruelty, by that

means to free both himself and them from further trouble. To invite a

man's enemies to come and cut his throat, seems a resolution a little

extravagant and odd; and yet I think he did better to take that course,

than to live in continual feverish fear of an accident for which there

was no cure. But seeing all the remedies a man can apply to such a

disease, are full of unquietness and uncertainty, 'tis better with a

manly courage to prepare one's self for the worst that can happen, and to

extract some consolation from this, that we are not certain the thing we

fear will ever come to pass.