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Michel de Montaigne

The Essays Chapter 19

Chapter 75 of 106

Canonical reference 2.19

French

(Livre II, p. 286v-288v).Michel de MontaigneVLivre II19 De la liberté de conscienceMontaigne - Essais, Éd de Bordeaux, 2.djvuMontaigne - Essais, Éd de Bordeaux, 2.djvu/1286v-288v

De la liberté de conscience
Chap. XIX

Il est ordinaire de voir les bonnes intentions, si elles sont conduites sans moderation, pousser les hommes à des effects tres-vitieux. En ce debat par lequel la France est à présent agitée de guerres civiles, le meilleur et le plus sain party est sans doubte celuy qui maintient et la religion et la police ancienne du pays. Entre les gens de bien toutes-fois qui le suyvent (car je ne parle point de ceux qui s’en servent de pretexte pour, ou exercer leurs vengences particulieres, ou fournir à leur avarice, ou suyvre la faveur des Princes ; mais de ceux qui le font par vray zele envers leur religion, et sainte affection à maintenir la paix et l’estat de leur patrie), de ceux-cy, dis-je, il s’en voit plusieurs que la passion pousse hors les bornes de la raison, et leur faict par fois prendre des conseils injustes, violents et encore temeraires. Il est certain qu’en ces premiers temps que nostre religion commença de gaigner authorité avec les loix, le zele en arma plusieurs contre toute sorte de livres paiens, dequoy les gens de lettre souffrent une merveilleuse perte. J’estime que ce desordre ait plus porté de nuysance aux lettres que tous les feux des barbares. Cornelius Tacitus en est un bon tesmoing : car quoy que l’Empereur Tacitus, son parent, en eut peuplé par ordonnances expresses toutes les libreries du monde, toutes-fois un seul exemplaire entier n’a peu eschapper la curieuse recherche de ceux qui desiroyent l’abolir pour cinq ou six vaines clauses contraires à nostre creance. Ils ont aussi eu cecy, de prester aisément des louanges fauces à tous les Empereurs qui faisoient pour nous, et condamner universellement toutes les actions de ceux qui nous estoient adversaires, comme il est aisé à voir en l’Empereur Julian, surnommé l’Apostat. C’estoit, à la vérité, un tres-grand homme et rare, comme celuy qui avoit son ame vivement tainte des discours de la philosophie, ausquels il faisoit profession de regler toutes ses actions ; et, de vray, il n’est aucune sorte de vertu dequoy il n’ait laissé de tres-notables exemples. En chasteté (de laquelle le cours de sa vie donne bien cler tesmoignage), on lit de luy un pareil trait à celuy d’Alexandre et de Scipion, que de plusieurs tres-belles captives, il n’en voulut pas seulement voir une, estant en la fleur de son aage : car il fut tué par les Parthes aagé de trente un an seulement. Quant à la justice, il prenoit luy-mesme la peine d’ouyr les parties ; et encore que par curiosité il s’informast à ceux qui se presentoient à luy de quelle religion ils estoient, toutesfois l’inimitié qu’il portoit à la nostre ne donnoit aucun contrepoix à la balance. Il fit luy mesme plusieurs bonnes loix, et retrancha une grande partie des subsides et impositions que levoient ses predecesseurs. Nous avons deux bons historiens tesmoings oculaires de ses actions : l’un desquels, Marcellinus, reprend aigrement en divers lieux de son histoire cette sienne ordonnance par laquelle il deffendit l’escole et interdit l’enseigner à tous les Rhetoriciens et Grammairiens Chrestiens, et dit qu’il souhaiteroit cette sienne action estre ensevelie soubs le silence. Il est vray-semblable, s’il eust fait quelque chose de plus aigre contre nous, qu’il ne l’eut pas oublié, estant bien affectionné à nostre party. Il nous estoit aspre, à la verité, mais non pourtant cruel ennemy : car nos gens mesmes recitent de luy cette histoire, que se promenant un jour autour de la ville de Chalcedoine, Maris, Evesque du lieu, osa bien l’appeller meschant traistre à Christ, et qu’il n’en fit autre chose, sauf luy respondre : Va, miserable, pleure la perte de tes yeux. A quoy l’Evesque encore repliqua : Je rens graces à Jesus Christ de m’avoir osté la veue, pour ne voir ton visage impudent ; affectant, disent-ils, en cela une patience philosophique. Tant y a que ce faict là ne se peut pas bien rapporter aux cruautez qu’on le dit avoir exercées contre nous. Il estoit (dit Eutropius, mon autre tesmoing), ennemy de la Chrestienté, mais sans toucher au sang. Et, pour revenir à sa justice, il n’est rien qu’on y puisse accuser que les rigueurs dequoy il usa, au commencement de son empire, contre ceux qui avoient suivy le parti de Constantius, son predecesseur. Quant à sa sobrieté, il vivoit tousjours un vivre soldatesque, et se nourrissoit en pleine paix comme celuy qui se preparoit et accoustumoit à l’austerité de la guerre. La vigilance estoit telle en luy qu’il departoit la nuict à trois ou à quatre parties dont la moindre estoit celle qu’il donnoit au sommeil ; le reste, il l’employoit à visiter luy mesme en personne l’estat de son armée et ses gardes, ou à estudier : car, entre autres siennes rares qualitez, il estoit tres-excellent en toute sorte de literature. On dict d’Alexandre le grand, qu’estant couché, de peur que le sommeil ne le débauchat de ses pensements et de ses estudes, il faisoit mettre un bassin joingnant son lict, et tenoit l’une de ses mains au dehors, avec une boulette de cuivre, affin que, le dormir le surprenant et relaschant les prises de ses doigts, cette boulette par le bruit de sa cheute dans le bassin le reveillat. Cettuy-cy avoit l’ame si tendue à ce qu’il vouloit, et si peu empeschée de fumées par sa singuliere abstinence, qu’il se passoit bien de cet artifice. Quant à la suffisance militaire, il fut admirable en toutes les parties d’un grand capitaine ; aussi fut-il quasi toute sa vie en continuel exercice de guerre, et la pluspart avec nous en France contre les Allemans et Francons. Nous n’avons guere memoire d’homme qui ait veu plus de hazards, ny qui ait plus souvent faict preuve de sa personne. Sa mort a quelque chose de pareil à celle d’Epaminondas : car il fut frappé d’un traict, et essaya de l’arracher, et l’eut fait sans ce que, le traict estant tranchant, il se couppa et affoiblit sa main. Il demandoit incessamment qu’on le rapportat en ce mesme estat en la meslée pour y encourager ses soldats, lesquels contesterent cette bataille sans luy tres-courageusement, jusques à ce que la nuict separa les armées. Il devoit à la philosophie un singulier mespris en quoy il avoit sa vie et les choses humaines. Il avoit ferme creance de l’eternité des ames. En matiere de religion, il estoit vicieux par tout ; on l’a surnommé apostat pour avoir abandonné la nostre : toutesfois cette opinion me semble plus vraysemblable, qu’il ne l’avoit jamais eue à cœur, mais que, pour l’obeissance des loix, il s’estoit feint jusques à ce qu’il tint l’Empire en sa main. Il fut si superstitieux en la sienne que ceux mesmes qui en estoient de son temps, s’en mocquoient ; et disoit-on, s’il eut gaigné la victoire contre les Parthes, qu’il eut fait tarir la race des beufs au monde pour satis-faire à ses sacrifices ; il estoit aussi embabouyné de la science divinatrice, et donnoit authorité à toute façon de prognostiques. Il dit entre autres choses, en mourant, qu’il sçavoit bon gré aux dieux et les remercioit dequoy ils ne l’avoyent pas voulu tuer par surprise, l’ayant de long temps adverty du lieu et heure de sa fin, ny d’une mort molle ou lache, mieux convenable aux personnes oysives et delicates, ny languissante, longue et douloureuse ; et qu’ils l’avoient trouvé digne de mourir de cette noble façon, sur le cours de ses victoires et en la fleur de sa gloire. Il avoit eu une pareille vision à celle de Marcus Brutus, qui premierement le menassa en Gaule et depuis se representa à lui en Perse sur le poinct de sa mort. Ce langage qu’on lui faict tenir, quand il se sentit frappé : Tu as vaincu, Nazareen ; ou, comme d’autres : Contente toi, Nazareen, n’eust esté oublié, s’il eust esté creu par mes tesmoings, qui, estans presens en l’armée, ont remerqué jusques aux moindres mouvements et parolles de sa fin, non plus que certains autres miracles qu’on y attache. Et, pour venir au propos de mon theme, il couvoit, dit Marcellinus, de long temps en son cœur le paganisme ; mais, par ce que toute son armée estoit de Chrestiens, il ne l’osoit descouvrir. En fin, quand il se vit assez fort pour oser publier sa volonté, il fit ouvrir les temples des dieux, et s’essaya par tous moyens de mettre sus l’idolatrie. Pour parvenir à son effect, ayant rencontré en Constantinople le peuple descousu avec les prelats de l’Église Chrestienne divisez, les ayant faict venir à luy au palais, les amonnesta instamment d’assoupir ces dissentions civiles, et que chacun sans empeschement et sans crainte servit à sa religion. Ce qu’il sollicitoit avec grand soing, pour l’esperance que cette licence augmenteroit les parts et les brigues de la division, et empescheroit le peuple de se reunir et de fortifier par consequent contre luy par leur concorde et unanime intelligence ; ayant essayé par la cruauté d’aucuns Chrestiens qu’il n’y a point de beste au monde tant à craindre à l’homme que l’homme. Voylà ses mots à peu prés : en quoy cela est digne de consideration, que l’Empereur Julian se sert, pour attiser le trouble de la dissention civile, de cette mesme recepte de liberté de conscience que nos Roys viennent d’employer pour l’estaindre. On peut dire, d’un costé, que de lacher la bride aux pars d’entretenir leur opinion, c’est espandre et semer la division ; c’est préter quasi la main à l’augmenter, n’y ayant aucune barriere ny coerction des loix qui bride et empesche sa course. Mais, d’autre costé, on diroit aussi que de lascher la bride aux pars d’entretenir leur opinion, c’est les amolir et relacher par la facilité et par l’aisance, et que c’est émousser l’éguillon qui s’affine par la rareté, la nouvelleté et la difficulté. Et si croy mieux, pour l’honneur de la devotion de nos rois, c’est que, n’ayans peu ce qu’ils vouloient, ils ont fait semblant de vouloir ce qu’ils pouvoient.

English

Charles Cotton

Chapter XIX. Of liberty of conscience.

'Tis usual to see good intentions, if carried on without moderation, push

men on to very vicious effects. In this dispute which has at this time

engaged France in a civil war, the better and the soundest cause no doubt

is that which maintains the ancient religion and government of the

kingdom. Nevertheless, amongst the good men of that party (for I do not

speak of those who only make a pretence of it, either to execute their

own particular revenges or to gratify their avarice, or to conciliate the

favour of princes, but of those who engage in the quarrel out of true

zeal to religion and a holy desire to maintain the peace and government

of their country), of these, I say, we see many whom passion transports

beyond the bounds of reason, and sometimes inspires with counsels that

are unjust and violent, and, moreover, rash.

It is certain that in those first times, when our religion began to gain

authority with the laws, zeal armed many against all sorts of pagan

books, by which the learned suffered an exceeding great loss, a disorder

that I conceive to have done more prejudice to letters than all the

flames of the barbarians. Of this Cornelius Tacitus is a very good

testimony; for though the Emperor Tacitus, his kinsman, had, by express

order, furnished all the libraries in the world with it, nevertheless one

entire copy could not escape the curious examination of those who desired

to abolish it for only five or six idle clauses that were contrary to our

belief.

They had also the trick easily to lend undue praises to all the emperors

who made for us, and universally to condemn all the actions of those who

were adversaries, as is evidently manifest in the Emperor Julian,

surnamed the Apostate,

who was, in truth, a very great and rare man, a man in whose soul

philosophy was imprinted in the best characters, by which he professed to

govern all his actions; and, in truth, there is no sort of virtue of

which he has not left behind him very notable examples: in chastity (of

which the whole of his life gave manifest proof) we read the same of him

that was said of Alexander and Scipio, that being in the flower of his

age, for he was slain by the Parthians at one-and-thirty, of a great many

very beautiful captives, he would not so much as look upon one. As to

his justice, he took himself the pains to hear the parties, and although

he would out of curiosity inquire what religion they were of,

nevertheless, the antipathy he had to ours never gave any counterpoise to

the balance. He made himself several good laws, and repealed a great

part of the subsidies and taxes levied by his predecessors.

We have two good historians who were eyewitnesses of his actions: one of

whom, Marcellinus, in several places of his history sharply reproves an

edict of his whereby he interdicted all Christian rhetoricians and

grammarians to keep school or to teach, and says he could wish that act

of his had been buried in silence: it is probable that had he done any

more severe thing against us, he, so affectionate as he was to our party,

would not have passed it over in silence. He was indeed sharp against

us, but yet no cruel enemy; for our own people tell this story of him,

that one day, walking about the city of Chalcedon, Maris, bishop of the

place; was so bold as to tell him that he was impious, and an enemy to

Christ, at which, they say, he was no further moved than to reply,

"Go, poor wretch, and lament the loss of thy eyes," to which the bishop

replied again, "I thank Jesus Christ for taking away my sight, that I may

not see thy impudent visage," affecting in that, they say, a

philosophical patience. But this action of his bears no comparison to

the cruelty that he is said to have exercised against us. "He was," says

Eutropius, my other witness, "an enemy to Christianity, but without

putting his hand to blood." And, to return to his justice, there is

nothing in that whereof he can be accused, the severity excepted he

practised in the beginning of his reign against those who had followed

the party of Constantius, his predecessor. As to his sobriety, he lived

always a soldier-like life; and observed a diet and routine, like one

that prepared and inured himself to the austerities of war. His

vigilance was such, that he divided the night into three or four parts,

of which the least was dedicated to sleep; the rest was spent either in

visiting the state of his army and guards in person, or in study; for

amongst other rare qualities, he was very excellent in all sorts of

learning. 'Tis said of Alexander the Great, that being in bed, for fear

lest sleep should divert him from his thoughts and studies, he had always

a basin set by his bedside, and held one of his hands out with a ball of

copper in it, to the end, that, beginning to fall asleep, and his fingers

leaving their hold, the ball by falling into the basin, might awake him.

But the other had his soul so bent upon what he had a mind to do, and so

little disturbed with fumes by reason of his singular abstinence, that he

had no need of any such invention. As to his military experience, he was

excellent in all the qualities of a great captain, as it was likely he

should, being almost all his life in a continual exercise of war, and

most of that time with us in France, against the Germans and Franks: we

hardly read of any man who ever saw more dangers, or who made more

frequent proofs of his personal valour.

His death has something in it parallel with that of Epaminondas, for he

was wounded with an arrow, and tried to pull it out, and had done so, but

that, being edged, it cut and disabled his hand. He incessantly called

out that they should carry him again into the heat of the battle, to

encourage his soldiers, who very bravely disputed the fight without him,

till night parted the armies. He stood obliged to his philosophy for the

singular contempt he had for his life and all human things. He had a

firm belief of the immortality of souls.

In matter of religion he was wrong throughout, and was surnamed the

Apostate for having relinquished ours: nevertheless, the opinion seems to

me more probable, that he had never thoroughly embraced it, but had

dissembled out of obedience to the laws, till he came to the empire.

He was in his own so superstitious, that he was laughed at for it by

those of his own time, of the same opinion, who jeeringly said, that had

he got the victory over the Parthians, he had destroyed the breed of oxen

in the world to supply his sacrifices. He was, moreover, besotted with

the art of divination, and gave authority to all sorts of predictions.

He said, amongst other things at his death, that he was obliged to the

gods, and thanked them, in that they would not cut him off by surprise,

having long before advertised him of the place and hour of his death, nor

by a mean and unmanly death, more becoming lazy and delicate people; nor

by a death that was languishing, long, and painful; and that they had

thought him worthy to die after that noble manner, in the progress of his

victories, in the flower of his glory. He had a vision like that of

Marcus Brutus, that first threatened him in Gaul, and afterward appeared

to him in Persia just before his death. These words that some make him

say when he felt himself wounded: "Thou hast overcome, Nazarene"; or as

others, "Content thyself, Nazarene"; would hardly have been omitted, had

they been believed, by my witnesses, who, being present in the army, have

set down to the least motions and words of his end; no more than certain

other miracles that are reported about it.

And to return to my subject, he long nourished, says Marcellinus,

paganism in his heart; but all his army being Christians, he durst not

own it. But in the end, seeing himself strong enough to dare to discover

himself, he caused the temples of the gods to be thrown open, and did his

uttermost to set on foot and to encourage idolatry. Which the better to

effect, having at Constantinople found the people disunited, and also the

prelates of the church divided amongst themselves, having convened them

all before him, he earnestly admonished them to calm those civil

dissensions, and that every one might freely, and without fear, follow

his own religion. Which he the more sedulously solicited, in hope that

this licence would augment the schisms and factions of their division,

and hinder the people from reuniting, and consequently fortifying

themselves against him by their unanimous intelligence and concord;

having experienced by the cruelty of some Christians, that there is no

beast in the world so much to be feared by man as man; these are very

nearly his words.

Wherein this is very worthy of consideration, that the Emperor Julian

made use of the same receipt of liberty of conscience to inflame the

civil dissensions that our kings do to extinguish them. So that a man

may say on one side, that to give the people the reins to entertain every

man his own opinion, is to scatter and sow division, and, as it were, to

lend a hand to augment it, there being no legal impediment or restraint

to stop or hinder their career; but, on the other side, a man may also

say, that to give the people the reins to entertain every man his own

opinion, is to mollify and appease them by facility and toleration, and

to dull the point which is whetted and made sharper by singularity,

novelty, and difficulty: and I think it is better for the honour of the

devotion of our kings, that not having been able to do what they would,

they have made a show of being willing to do what they could.

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